Author
Aneet
The Effect of Cinematographic Elements on Sexual Objectification in K-pop
Korean popular music is recognized for its unique attributes such as choreography and visuals; however, an element prevalent in K-pop is the sexual objectification of its artists. This prevalence is emphasized when K-pop idols are branded as “models of physical attractiveness” (Epstein and Joo 2012: 2), especially in the case of female idols. Consequently, these objectifications “intertwine with the marketing of Korean celebrities for domestic and global consumption” (Epstein and Joo 2012: 8), which can be seen in how female idols are marketed and presented through sexualized choreography and close-ups of bare skin. However, sexual objectification of female idols in K-pop is also contributed by cinematographic elements such as the set, lighting, and camera work. To illustrate these ideas, T-ARA’s “Number 9” music video can be used as an example.
An important aspect about K-pop music videos is how “Korean popular music is driven by the visual” (Epstein and Turnbull 2014: 317). These visuals also incorporate spaces, such as the video set itself and the artists’ interactions with the setting. In “Number 9”, the members of T-ARA engage with their narrative setting through acting and movement, although seemingly holding traces of sexual objectification. For example, the set has white curtains gently blowing in the breeze to indicate purity and innocence. Later in the video, member Jiyeon takes off one of the curtains while playfully smiling at the camera, which may indicate that she is no longer an innocent girl. As such, “depictions of sexual suggestiveness have become props of music videos” (Lin and Rudolf 2017: 30), and can be shown through idols and their interactions and movements with the set.
Furthermore, lighting also amplifies sexual objectification in K-pop. Music videos for female idols are meant to create “desires to both gaze and possess the ‘perfect’ body” (Epstein and Joo 2012: 8) for viewers, particularly males. In addition, film theorist Laura Mulvey argues that the objectifying presentation of females is determined by male gaze (1975: 11). Many instances of lighting amplifying objectification and male gaze can be seen in “Number 9”. For example, the beginning of the video shows white light on the individual members while the background is pitch black; as each member looks into the camera, the lighting highlights their faces to create an intimate connection with the viewer. In addition, repeated flashing lights in the choreography shots outline the slim silhouettes of the members. In particular, the last dance choreography sequence where the members turn their backs to the camera under darkened lights highlight their long legs and body frames.
Lastly, the use of camera angles magnify objectification further. When creating music videos, “the viewer in such videos is regularly constructed as male” (Epstein and Turnbull 2014: 319), and camera angles reflect the visuals male audiences would want to see. For example, the camera focus on the members’ clothing in “Number 9” caters to a male audience. The clothing bares skin, and the camera angle focuses on the members while lifting up clothing and their mid-sections while singing. Similarly, camera angles from the bottom up feature member Hyomin’s legs in translucent stockings, further objectifying her body. The choreography itself contains body touching and bending, which camera shots emphasize. As noted by Dr. Saeji, camera close-ups and emphases play a role in making objectification a standard component in K-pop (2013: 349). This is further reinforced when the camera angle focuses on the members’ legs during the kneeling choreography parts, which is a normalized feature in female idols’ videos.
Overall, sexual objectification reinforces the idea of female idols in K-pop to be looked at as objects of desire. Although more common elements such as clothing choices and suggestive choreography are attributed to the prevalence of sexual objectification, these elements are further amplified by the cinematographic use of setting, lighting, and camera angles. With a focus on these factors, perhaps viewers can reflect on how objectification is presented to them, and in what forms.
An important aspect about K-pop music videos is how “Korean popular music is driven by the visual” (Epstein and Turnbull 2014: 317). These visuals also incorporate spaces, such as the video set itself and the artists’ interactions with the setting. In “Number 9”, the members of T-ARA engage with their narrative setting through acting and movement, although seemingly holding traces of sexual objectification. For example, the set has white curtains gently blowing in the breeze to indicate purity and innocence. Later in the video, member Jiyeon takes off one of the curtains while playfully smiling at the camera, which may indicate that she is no longer an innocent girl. As such, “depictions of sexual suggestiveness have become props of music videos” (Lin and Rudolf 2017: 30), and can be shown through idols and their interactions and movements with the set.
Furthermore, lighting also amplifies sexual objectification in K-pop. Music videos for female idols are meant to create “desires to both gaze and possess the ‘perfect’ body” (Epstein and Joo 2012: 8) for viewers, particularly males. In addition, film theorist Laura Mulvey argues that the objectifying presentation of females is determined by male gaze (1975: 11). Many instances of lighting amplifying objectification and male gaze can be seen in “Number 9”. For example, the beginning of the video shows white light on the individual members while the background is pitch black; as each member looks into the camera, the lighting highlights their faces to create an intimate connection with the viewer. In addition, repeated flashing lights in the choreography shots outline the slim silhouettes of the members. In particular, the last dance choreography sequence where the members turn their backs to the camera under darkened lights highlight their long legs and body frames.
Lastly, the use of camera angles magnify objectification further. When creating music videos, “the viewer in such videos is regularly constructed as male” (Epstein and Turnbull 2014: 319), and camera angles reflect the visuals male audiences would want to see. For example, the camera focus on the members’ clothing in “Number 9” caters to a male audience. The clothing bares skin, and the camera angle focuses on the members while lifting up clothing and their mid-sections while singing. Similarly, camera angles from the bottom up feature member Hyomin’s legs in translucent stockings, further objectifying her body. The choreography itself contains body touching and bending, which camera shots emphasize. As noted by Dr. Saeji, camera close-ups and emphases play a role in making objectification a standard component in K-pop (2013: 349). This is further reinforced when the camera angle focuses on the members’ legs during the kneeling choreography parts, which is a normalized feature in female idols’ videos.
Overall, sexual objectification reinforces the idea of female idols in K-pop to be looked at as objects of desire. Although more common elements such as clothing choices and suggestive choreography are attributed to the prevalence of sexual objectification, these elements are further amplified by the cinematographic use of setting, lighting, and camera angles. With a focus on these factors, perhaps viewers can reflect on how objectification is presented to them, and in what forms.
References
Epstein, Stephen, and James Turnbull. “Girls’ Generation? Gender, (Dis)Empowerment, and K-pop.” In The Korean Popular Cultural
Reader, edited by Kyung Hyun Kim and Youngmin Choe. 315-336. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2014.
Epstein, Stephen, and Rachael M. Joo. “Multiple Exposures: Korean Bodies and the Transnational Imagination.” The Asia-Pacific Journal
10, no. 33 (2012): 1-24.
Lin, Xi, and Robert Rudolf. “Does K-pop Reinforce Gender Inequalities? Empirical Evidence from a New Data Set.” Asian Women 33,
no. 4 (2017): 27-54.
MBK Entertainment [Official]. “T-ARA [티아라] ‘Number Nine [넘버나인]’ M/V.” YouTube video, 3:53. Posted October 9, 2013.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Qk52ypnGs68
Mulvey, Laura. “Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema.” Screen 16, no. 3 (1975): 6-18.
Saeji, CedarBough T. “Juvenile Protection and Sexual Objectification: Analysis of the Performance Frame in Korean Music Television
Broadcasts.” Acta Koreana 16, no. 2 (2013): 329-365.
Reader, edited by Kyung Hyun Kim and Youngmin Choe. 315-336. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2014.
Epstein, Stephen, and Rachael M. Joo. “Multiple Exposures: Korean Bodies and the Transnational Imagination.” The Asia-Pacific Journal
10, no. 33 (2012): 1-24.
Lin, Xi, and Robert Rudolf. “Does K-pop Reinforce Gender Inequalities? Empirical Evidence from a New Data Set.” Asian Women 33,
no. 4 (2017): 27-54.
MBK Entertainment [Official]. “T-ARA [티아라] ‘Number Nine [넘버나인]’ M/V.” YouTube video, 3:53. Posted October 9, 2013.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Qk52ypnGs68
Mulvey, Laura. “Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema.” Screen 16, no. 3 (1975): 6-18.
Saeji, CedarBough T. “Juvenile Protection and Sexual Objectification: Analysis of the Performance Frame in Korean Music Television
Broadcasts.” Acta Koreana 16, no. 2 (2013): 329-365.